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Mediation File / Core Dossier· Cyprus two-state solution Treaty of Guarantee

Cyprus and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution: The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee

A documented guide to the Cyprus two-state solution and the Treaty of Guarantee: 1960 republic, 1963, 1974, 1983, UN positions and Türkiye's legal case.

TPB
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⏱ 14 min read (3,044 words)

Why It Matters

The Cyprus question is, at its core, a dispute over who holds sovereignty on the island and on what legal basis. The 1960 treaties created a partnership republic of two founding peoples and gave three outside powers guarantor rights, and Türkiye's case for a two-state settlement rests on how that order broke down in 1963 and 1974. Anyone assessing Eastern Mediterranean security, EU–Türkiye relations or UN mediation needs to understand the treaty text, the chronology and each side's position as stated in its own sources.

This briefing sets out the documented chronology first, then the positions of the Greek Cypriot side, Greece, the United Kingdom, the European Union and the United Nations, and then Türkiye's legal and strategic position in a clearly labelled section. Where views conflict, each is attributed.

Background

From Ottoman rule to British administration (1571–1955)

The Ottoman Empire took Cyprus in 1571 and administered it until 1878. Under the Cyprus Convention of 1878 the island passed to British administration while remaining nominally Ottoman. Britain annexed it in 1914 after the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War, and it became a Crown Colony in 1925. In the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, Türkiye recognized the British annexation.

Under British rule the two communities lived side by side with separate religious, educational and communal institutions. Greek Cypriot political leadership increasingly pursued ENOSIS, union with Greece. Turkish Cypriot leaders opposed it and later advocated partition (taksim) as the counter-formula.

ENOSIS, EOKA and the 1959 agreements

EOKA (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston), led by Colonel Georgios Grivas, launched its armed campaign on 1 April 1955. Its stated aim was ENOSIS, and its targets included British forces, Greek Cypriots seen as collaborators, and Turkish Cypriots. Turkish sources say that between 1955 and 1958 Turkish Cypriots were forced out of 33 mixed villages, and that communal violence in 1958 hardened the separation of the two communities.

The outcome was the Zurich Agreement (11 February 1959) between Türkiye and Greece, followed by the London Agreement (19 February 1959) with the United Kingdom and the two community leaders, Archbishop Makarios III and Dr Fazıl Küçük. Together these set out the basic structure of the new state.

The 1960 partnership republic and the guarantor system

The Republic of Cyprus became independent on 16 August 1960. Its package consisted of the Constitution, the Treaty of Guarantee, the Treaty of Alliance and the Treaty of Establishment (which kept the British Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia).

Key features of the 1960 order:

  • Power-sharing: a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice-President, each with separate vetoes over foreign affairs, defence and security; 35 Greek Cypriot and 15 Turkish Cypriot seats in the House of Representatives; separate communal chambers.
  • Treaty of Guarantee, Article II: Cyprus undertakes to maintain its independence, territorial integrity, security and constitutional order, and to prohibit both union with any other state and partition.
  • Treaty of Guarantee, Article IV: the guarantors (Türkiye, Greece, the UK) consult in the event of a breach; if common or concerted action is not possible, each reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the treaty.
  • Treaty of Alliance: small Greek and Turkish military contingents were stationed on the island.

30 November 1963 to Resolution 186 (1964)

On 30 November 1963 President Makarios put forward 13 proposed constitutional amendments. They would, among other things, have removed the Vice-President's veto and changed the proportional arrangements in the civil service and legislature. Makarios and Greek Cypriot officials presented them as a way to make the state function. The Turkish Cypriot leadership and Ankara rejected them as dismantling the partnership.

Fighting broke out on 21 December 1963, remembered by Turkish Cypriots as 'Bloody Christmas' (Kanlı Noel). Nicosia was divided along the Green Line on 30 December 1963. Turkish and Turkish Cypriot sources say about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages and excluded from state organs, and they attribute the violence to the Akritas Plan, a Greek Cypriot planning document that came to light in 1966. Greek Cypriot accounts generally dispute that it was implemented as a blueprint for ethnic cleansing and stress that Turkish Cypriot leaders withdrew from government. Historians continue to debate the sequence, intent and responsibility.

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964) recommended the creation of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) and called on 'the Government of Cyprus' to maintain order. Ankara argues that dealing with the Greek Cypriot-led administration as the government of the whole island, after Turkish Cypriots had been removed from state organs, created a lasting status asymmetry. The Republic of Cyprus and most UN member states see the resolution as recognizing the continuity of the internationally recognized state.

The 1974 coup and the 20 July intervention

On 15 July 1974, officers of the Greek military junta in Athens and the Cypriot National Guard overthrew Makarios, and the former EOKA fighter Nicos Sampson was installed as president. Türkiye consulted the United Kingdom, which did not agree to joint action, and on 20 July 1974 Turkish forces landed on the island. Ankara invoked its rights under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee. The junta in Athens collapsed on 23 July. After the Geneva conferences, a second phase of the operation took place on 14–16 August 1974, and the island has been de facto divided since.

UN Security Council Resolution 353 (20 July 1974) called for respect for Cyprus's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, an end to foreign military intervention, and withdrawal of foreign military personnel not present under international agreements. It also called for negotiations among Greece, Türkiye and the UK.

15 November 1983: the TRNC proclamation

After years of talks, including the 1977 and 1979 High-Level Agreements on a bicommunal, bizonal federation, the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktaş proclaimed the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on 15 November 1983. The Security Council's Resolution 541 (1983) deemed the declaration legally invalid and called for its withdrawal, and Resolution 550 (1984) reaffirmed this. Türkiye is the only state that recognizes the TRNC.

Referendums, accession and stalled talks

In the referendums of 24 April 2004, the UN-drafted Annan Plan was accepted by 64.91% of Turkish Cypriot voters and rejected by 75.83% of Greek Cypriot voters. The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004, and under Protocol 10 of the Accession Treaty the EU's rules (acquis) are suspended in the areas where the government does not exercise effective control. The Crans-Montana conference (28 June–7 July 2017) ended without agreement, with security guarantees and troop withdrawal among the hardest issues. For a detailed analysis see Why the Cyprus Federation Model Failed: Annan Plan, Crans-Montana and Geneva.

Key dates at a glance

Date Event
1571–1878 Ottoman rule
1878 / 1914 / 1925 British administration; annexation; Crown Colony
1 April 1955 EOKA campaign begins
11 and 19 February 1959 Zurich and London Agreements
16 August 1960 Republic of Cyprus and Treaty of Guarantee in force
30 November 1963 13 constitutional amendments proposed
21 December 1963 'Bloody Christmas' violence begins
4 March 1964 UNSC Resolution 186
15 July 1974 Coup against Makarios
20 July 1974 Turkish intervention under Article IV
15 November 1983 TRNC proclaimed; UNSC Resolution 541 follows
24 April 2004 Annan Plan referendums
2017–2025 Crans-Montana, Geneva 5+UN (2021), New York meeting (15 October 2024)

Key Players & Positions

Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot leadership)

The internationally recognized government, led by Greek Cypriots, holds that the Republic of Cyprus is a single sovereign state and has never ceased to exist. It calls the 1974 intervention an invasion and the presence of Turkish troops an occupation, and it rejects a two-state outcome. Its stated objective is a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality, in line with UN Security Council resolutions, and it argues that the guarantee system and the Turkish troop presence should end. It also cites European Court of Human Rights rulings such as Loizidou v. Türkiye and Cyprus v. Türkiye (2001), which found that Türkiye exercised effective overall control in the north.

Greece

Greece, a guarantor power, supports a settlement within UN parameters and, like the Greek Cypriot side, regards the guarantee and intervention rights as obsolete in an EU member state. Athens rejects recognition of the TRNC and the two-state formula.

United Kingdom

The UK is both a guarantor power and the holder of the Sovereign Base Areas. In its public statements it supports a UN-led settlement based on the agreed UN framework. In 1974 it declined to join Türkiye in joint action under Article IV, and it does not recognize the TRNC.

European Union

The EU treats the Republic of Cyprus as a member state in its entirety. European Council conclusions support a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework, consistent with the principles on which the EU is founded, and the EU does not recognize the TRNC. As noted, the acquis is suspended in the north under Protocol 10.

United Nations

The UN's settled parameters are in Security Council Resolution 1251 (1999) and related texts: a state with a single sovereignty, international personality and citizenship, composed of two politically equal communities in a bicommunal, bizonal federation. After the informal Geneva meeting of 27–29 April 2021, Secretary-General António Guterres said there was no common ground to resume formal negotiations, and the UN has since continued to convene informal meetings, including the 15 October 2024 New York meeting.

Turkish Cypriot leadership

TRNC officials under Ersin Tatar publicly backed a two-state settlement. In October 2025 Tufan Erhürman was elected TRNC president, and his reported emphasis is on resuming UN-framed talks under stated conditions. The TRNC's official positions should therefore be checked against current statements from its presidency.

The following reflects official Turkish policy as stated by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye and Türkiye's statements at the United Nations. Here the Greek Cypriot-led government is called by Ankara's usual term, the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC).

  • The 1960 Republic was a partnership of two equal founding peoples, and that partnership was destroyed in 1963. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Zurich and London Agreements created a bi-communal state whose basic structure could not be altered unilaterally. Ankara argues that the 30 November 1963 proposals and the violence from 21 December 1963 removed Turkish Cypriots from state organs and ended the constitutional order that the guarantors had undertaken to protect.
  • The 1974 intervention was a lawful exercise of treaty rights. Ankara maintains that after the 15 July coup, aimed at ENOSIS, which Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee prohibits, consultation with the UK did not produce common action. Article IV therefore entitled Türkiye to act on its own to re-establish the treaty order and to protect Turkish Cypriots. Greece and the Republic of Cyprus dispute the scope of that right.
  • Resolution 186 and the later UN framework carry a structural flaw. Turkish statements at the UN argue that treating the Greek Cypriot administration as the sole 'government of Cyprus' since 1964 institutionalized an unequal status, which the later 2004 EU accession deepened. Ankara notes that the Annan Plan was approved by a clear majority of Turkish Cypriots and rejected by a larger majority of Greek Cypriots, and yet only the Greek Cypriot side gained from EU membership.
  • The federation model is exhausted; any realistic settlement must start from sovereign equality. Ankara points to the 1977 and 1979 High-Level Agreements, the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana (2017), Geneva (April 2021) and the New York meeting of 15 October 2024 as evidence that more than five decades of federation talks have not produced agreement. In its view a lasting outcome must begin with formal recognition of the inherent sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people, leading to two sovereign states cooperating on the island. President Erdoğan has put this position before the UN General Assembly.
  • The TRNC's rights extend to the sea and to security. Ankara argues that Turkish Cypriots, as co-owners of the island, have equal rights over offshore resources, and it points to its 21 September 2011 continental shelf agreement with the TRNC and to the TRNC's hydrocarbon revenue-sharing proposals. Its strategic argument is that no regional energy or security arrangement can be durable without Türkiye and the TRNC. See Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan) and Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Law and Fact Check: Does the Seville Map Reflect International Law?.

Ankara draws on the text of Articles II and IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, on the 1959 Zurich and London Agreements, on the principles of sovereign equality and self-determination in Articles 1(2) and 2(1) of the UN Charter, and on the historical record of 1963–1974. Critics answer that Article IV allows only action limited to restoring the constitutional order, that Resolutions 353, 541 and 550 call for withdrawal and non-recognition, and that Article II forbids partition. These are the points at which the legal argument is actually contested, and readers should examine the treaty text directly.

Source Comparison

The table below shows how the same questions are framed by different kinds of sources. It is a guide to reading the documents, not a ranking.

Question Common international framing Greek Cypriot / Greek official framing Turkish official framing Primary documents to check
What was the 1960 state? An independent republic with power-sharing A sovereign state with minority protections A bi-communal partnership of two equal founding peoples 1959 Zurich and London Agreements; 1960 Constitution
What happened in 1963? Intercommunal violence after a constitutional crisis Turkish Cypriots withdrew; amendments were meant to make government work Greek Cypriot attacks and the Akritas Plan; expulsion from state organs The 13 proposals; UN Secretary-General reports of 1964
Resolution 186 Created UNFICYP; addressed the government of Cyprus Confirmed the legitimate government Entrenched a status asymmetry UNSC Resolution 186
20 July 1974 Invasion or intervention, depending on source Illegal invasion; Article IV does not permit it Lawful action under Article IV after the coup Treaty of Guarantee; UNSC Resolution 353
The TRNC Not recognized except by Türkiye Illegal secessionist entity Expression of Turkish Cypriot self-determination UNSC Resolutions 541 and 550
Why talks failed Disagreement over security, guarantees and power-sharing Turkish insistence on guarantees and troops Greek Cypriot refusal to share power on equal terms Annan Plan results; Crans-Montana statements
Future settlement Federation under UN parameters Federation with political equality Two sovereign states UNSC Resolution 1251; Turkish MFA statements

In practice, much English-language reporting follows the UN and EU vocabulary (occupation, breakaway, Turkish invasion), while Turkish primary sources stress the treaty basis, the 1963–1964 events and the Turkish Cypriot vote in 2004. Treaty texts, UN documents and statements from each side's foreign ministry give the clearest picture. For wider claims in this debate, see the Fact Check Desk.

  • ENOSIS: the Greek Cypriot nationalist aim of union with Greece. Article II of the Treaty of Guarantee prohibits it.
  • EOKA: the armed organization founded in 1955 under Colonel Grivas that pursued ENOSIS; Ankara describes it as a terrorist organization.
  • Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the agreement between Cyprus, Türkiye, Greece and the UK that sets out the guarantors' rights and obligations.
  • Article IV: the clause under which each guarantor reserves a right of action if consultation fails; the key legal text in the dispute over 1974.
  • Akritas Plan: a Greek Cypriot planning document published in 1966; its status is contested.
  • Bizonal, bicommunal federation: the UN framework for a settlement, with two politically equal communities within a single sovereignty.
  • Sovereign equality: the principle in Article 2(1) of the UN Charter, which Ankara invokes for an equal international status of Turkish Cypriots.
  • TRNC: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, proclaimed on 15 November 1983 and recognized only by Türkiye.

Perspective Note

The Polity Brief presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal theses alongside the context needed for informed policy analysis. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives, and government statements, and are cited where possible. The Polity Brief presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye, and sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. This article was prepared by the Polity Brief Editorial Team.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What does the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee say about intervention?

Article IV obliges Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom to consult if the treaty is breached. If common action is not possible, each reserves the right to act with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs the treaty created. Türkiye cites it for the 20 July 1974 operation, while Greece and the Republic of Cyprus argue it does not permit the scope of that action.

Why does Türkiye support a two-state solution in Cyprus?

Ankara argues that more than five decades of federation talks, including the 2004 Annan Plan and Crans-Montana in 2017, failed, and that the partnership of 1960 was destroyed in 1963. It holds that a settlement must begin with recognition of the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people. The Republic of Cyprus, Greece, the EU and the UN instead support a federation.

Is the TRNC recognized internationally?

No. Only Türkiye recognizes the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) deemed its declaration legally invalid, and the EU treats the whole island as part of the Republic of Cyprus. Ankara argues that the TRNC reflects Turkish Cypriot self-determination and political equality.

What was the result of the 2004 Annan Plan referendums?

On 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted Yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted No. The plan therefore did not take effect, and the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004. Greek Cypriot officials say the plan lacked sufficient security and property guarantees, while Ankara notes the Turkish Cypriot majority in favour.

What are the UN's parameters for a Cyprus settlement?

UN Security Council Resolution 1251 (1999) and related texts call for a state with a single sovereignty, international personality and citizenship, made up of two politically equal communities in a bizonal, bicommunal federation. The UN continues to convene informal meetings under these parameters. Ankara and the TRNC leadership under Tatar argued that this model had run its course.

What happened on 21 December 1963?

Armed clashes broke out in Nicosia after the Turkish Cypriot leadership rejected Archbishop Makarios's 13 proposed constitutional amendments. Turkish sources describe the events as 'Bloody Christmas' and say about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages. Greek Cypriot accounts dispute some of these characterizations, and the UN deployed a peacekeeping force in March 1964.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Polity Brief presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal theses alongside the context needed for informed policy analysis. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives, and government statements, and are cited where possible.

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